Friday, November 27, 2020

18 Lennon St. Parkville, Victoria, Australia

Melbourne Age 6 July 1988, p. 34. 


The first newspaper mention I have found of this development is the Melbourne Age for 3 Feb 1971 (p. 31) in a listing for a one bedroom flat with a 'garden setting'. It's 'freshly painted', which suggests that it's not a new building (and in any case, it's only one advertised of a much larger development). 'Freshly painted' always makes me think that something terrible has happened there but that's just me. The way in which 18 Lennon St has existed for most of the last 50 years has in any case been I think completely dominated by the Tullamarine Freeway. 

You can see Lennon St innocently sitting there enjoying the babbling brook of Moonee Ponds Creek and without an inkling of what is about to hit it when the freeway finally comes through. This is from the Melways 1966. Try to reconcile the above with this. Google Earth has trouble even finding Lennon St in that mess, and as for 18 Lennon, it really has no frontage anymore (I suppose it's possible that the wall you see in the above image, taken a couple of days ago, once fronted a street; now it fronts a human-scale fence which fronts a massive wall which shields the people of Lennon st from a Tullamarine Freeway off-ramp). This is it in 1971:

To me the issue is probably ultimately: since the 18 Lennon development probably dates from the late 1960s, did the people who created it know that it was going to be facing onto a freeway (I'm guessing it wasn't walled off until much later)? Is the open space to kind of mitigate the noise/fumes from the freeway? 

Another question I have, which has nothing to do with internal reserves, is: was this development hedging its bets about the value of being so close to the freeway (and thereby, the airport - probably ten minutes away in the early 70s)? 

The 18 Lennon St space is, incidentally, quite well maintained and seems like a peaceful enough enclave, notwithstanding the extreme awkwardness of its positioning/access. I would have liked to show you some images of how the units face into the space but they have big windows, it seems invasive to residents to photograph. It has presumably always been rental (don't quote me on that). 

Sunday, August 30, 2020

lewis mumford (1960) re: internal park space

'Now the great function of the city is to give a collective form to what Martin Buber has well called the I-and-Thou relation: to permit – indeed to encourage – the greatest possible number of meetings, encounters, challenges, between varied persons and groups, providing as it were a stage upon which the drama of social life may be enacted, with the actors taking their turn, too, as spectators. The social function of open spaces in the city is to bring people together; and as Raymond Unwin demonstrated at Hampstead Garden Suburb – and Henry Wright and Clarence Stein even more decisively at Radburn – when both private and public spaces are designed together, this mingling and meeting may take place, under the pleasantest possible conditions, in the neighbourhood.' (p. 20)

'When I ask myself what immediate improvement would make my own city, New York, even more attractive to live in again, I find two answers: rows of shade trees on every street, and a little park, even a quarter of an acre, in each block, preferably near the middle. When I think of another familiar city, Philadelphia, I would turn the back alleys into green pedestrian malls, threading through the city, now widening into pools of open space surrounded by restaurants, cafes or shops, all insulated from motor traffic. And what applies to individual blocks applies to neighbourhoods. To have any value for recreation they, too, must be insulated from the traffic avenues and motorways: the parts of the neighbourhood should be joined together by green ribbons, pedestrian malls, and pleasances, such as that admirable park Olmsted designed for the Back Bay Fens of Boston, taking advantage of a little river and a swamp to create a continuous band of green, uniting more than one neighbourhood.’ (p. 21)


The one great requirement for open spaces in urban centres is to insulate them from the fumes, the noise, and the distracting movement of motor traffic. The neighbourhood, not the individual building block, is now the unit of urban design, and all fresh schemes for both open spaces and for traffic, to be worthy of approval, must separate the pedestrian completely from the motorcar. When this can be done from the beginning as was first decisively achieved at Radburn, New Jersey, the motor roads that give access to buildings may be reduced in area and partly eliminated; while the space that is so saved within the superblock and the neighbourhood may be dedicated to a public park.’(p. 21)


Lewis Mumford, ‘The Philosophy of Open Space’ [reprinted from The Highway and the City 1960] Whitney North Seymour (ed) Small urban spaces; the philosophy, design, sociology, and politics of vest-pocket parks and other small urban open spaces New York : New York University Press, 1969

Wednesday, July 1, 2020

Helenwood Grove Park, Newnham, Tasmania

I'm finally getting around to posting my images from Launceston, February this year. I hope you weren't holding your breath. 

Here you can find a 1970 image from the Tasmanian Town and Country Planning Commission. I don't know whether this is a map or a plan (i.e. was the space planned in 1970?). 


The first four pictures here are of my visit to this space on 9 February 2002.* 




The last two above are the laneway between the reserve and Franmaree Road. There is another lane, between the reserve and Helenwood Grove, which apparently I didn't photograph in 2002 (perhaps I didn't know it was there...!). Below are the images from February 2020, starting with the Helenwood Grove lane. All I can really say is that the trees are bigger and the playground equipment (from memory - not sure why I didn't photograph this properly?! has been updated.





 This is the laneway to Franmaree Road.
Last year, Cypress Hill, the Californian hiphop group which has sold 20 million records since formation in 1988, finally received its star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame. I wonder if its members are aware of the resilient and omnipresent grass roots tribute paid to it on this wall in Helenwood Grove Park.  It has served as acknowledgment of the popularity of the group (and, you'd have to assume, its ongoing advocacy of marijuana use) for decades now. 

The space is viewable here.

* My photos from 2002 are labelled 'Helenwood Gve, Alanvale'; Newnham is a portion of Alanvale. It's possible the internal reserve itself had no name at this time; it is presently known as 'Helenwood Grove Park' by the City of Launceston.

Tuesday, June 30, 2020

Jardim America, Sao Paolo

In Mervyn Miller's Raymond Unwin: Garden Cities and Town Planning the story of Jardim America is detailed in one paragraph:

In 1916, Unwin was commissioned to provide a layout for Jardim-America (sic) a garden suburb to the west of the rapidly expanding Brazillian provincial capital, Sao Paulo. Its Director of Public Works, Dr Victor da Silva Freire, had visited Letchworth and Hampstead. The City Improvement and Freehold Land Company had acquired a 240-acre [96 hectare] site adjoining the grid layout of an earlier town extensions. The requirement for 50 ft (15 m) streets ruled out the visual intimacy of Letchworth and Hampstead. Unwin added diagonals and a few curved streets to break the grid. He widened the central Avenida Brazil to form a boulevard, crossing diagonals in a central hexagonal circus recalling Sollershott and Crickmer Circuses at Letchworth and Hampstead. Subsidiary curve streets helped to minimise traffic short-cuts. Block centres included open spaces. The development included very low-density, largely detached houses on generous plots. Unwin was unable to travel to Brazil but, in January 1917, Barry Parker arrived for a two-year sojourn, during which period he developed the layout, designed many individual houses and fave advice on the planned extensions of Sao Paulo and other Brazillian cities. (Miller,  Raymond Unwin, Leicester UP, Leicester, 1992 p. 154)

Recently I purchased a copy of Silvia Ferreira and Santos Wolff's Jardim América, a history of the suburb. It's in Portuguese, another language I don't speak, but (with the caveat that of course if you don't speak the language you're translating out of, you can't necessarily really know the truth of these things) google translate does seem to be getting better and better all the time, so I have typed in the elements pertaining to the 'jardins internos'.  

Google-translated to English, p. 133 of the book tells us this:

'Barry Parker traces his suburb of houses within this trapezoidal shape. He articulated a plot, in the most Cartesian origin, with an organic system of diagonal and curved streets and with blocks of varying sizes and shapes, all interspersed with extensive portions of green and landscaped areas, with the vast majority of the blocks still having internal gardens. These semi-plush gardens, species of parks, gave a distinctive mark to Jardim América. They were spaces that created green areas shared by the residents and that sought to apply the concepts related to the uses of the private and segregated gardens of each case.' 

It won't surprise anyone to hear that picking through a book written in a language one doesn't know, and which is not indexed, to find mention of one feature amongst many, is not an easy task. I am heartened though that the authors are clearly very attuned to the importance of the internal reserves in the Jardim América design. This is true not least when they detail the demise of the reserves - and they are, now, all gone. This chapter, once again google translated so all care, no responsibility (and, I hope, not a copyright infringement) gives the story of their removal/redevelopment in detail I have not seen in any other similar 'garden suburb' history account:

'The occupation - successive changes

'It can be considered that the occupation of Jardim América took place between 1913 - the time of the first milling and drainage works in the torrenos - and 1958 - when the last approval by the City of a new house project on land not previously occupied takes place. A very long period. In 1916 the first house of the subdivision was built and in the following year Barry Parker began to design residences in City lots. The implementation of the neighborhood, however, can have its periodization quite reduced: from 1919, when sales of lots and construction of houses started to occur at a more effective pace, until the mid-1940s, after which they were not approved. More than twenty new projects. Within this period, the pace of occupation followed the offer of land presented to the market.

'The occupation of Jardim Amērica suffers from sales inflows according to the changes in the subdivision. In the first gloss, more than half of the available lots are sold, generally those located in the center of the neighborhood, next to the main arteries. In the following period, the "peripheral" plots are almost entirely acquired with the exception of the enlarged part and the extension then opened on Rua Bolivia in the years 26/1930, the neighborhood is practically occupied.
 
'However, the shredding of the internal gardens carried out between 1931 and 1935 will create the availability of a large number of new lots for sale, easily absorbed by the market. The last redefinition of the places on the old Chile street will cause the blocks to be relocated by this new route. The relocation of this sector of the neighborhood causes the appearance of a greater number of lots, with the entire Jardim América occupied until 1945.

'The first phase described corresponds to the occupation of the neighborhood driven by the success of the initial sales that led to revisions of the original project in search of a greater number of lots. After the expansion obtained with land purchases, it was found that it was impossible to expand the neighborhood due to the limits of its perimeter. Jardim América then "grew inwards" with the subdivision of previously demarcated areas and those destined for purposes other than individual plots.

'The first expansion took place almost concurrently with its launch, during Barry Parker's stay in the city. In fact, what the architect himself drew was an application, already mentioned, on the right side of the neighborhood. A new street was created, Chile (now Nine de Julho), largely parallel to Canada Street and forming a "U" with it, through a curved connection of its lower extremities. With this change, Praça América started to constitute a kind of geometric center of the neighborhood. In addition, at that time, some lots were also acquired and incorporated into the sales map on United States Street, on the outside of the original perimeter.

'After such a simple expansion operation, the process of reviewing the internal areas of the subdivision began, creating new lots, without buying more land. With different justifications and through changes in the original design, City increased the number of lots for sale whenever it could.

'Due to the irregular design of the courts, the shape and size of the lots varied a lot since the beginning in Jardim América. But in the beginning, most of the lots were characterized by their large dimensions, with fronts of at least 20 meters and areas rarely less than 900 square meters. The new sectors, the object of changes in the general design, progressively decreased the size of the land, reaching lots of 450 and even 360 square meters in the last subdivisions, which also contributed to increase the number of units for sale.

'The alteration that most changed the original spirit of the project and that increased the stock of land for sale in Jardim América was the eradication of the internal gardens of the courts and the subsequent sale of these areas.

'The first change in this direction took place in the late 1920s and took place through the division of a large block, not yet commercialized, into two smaller blocks, creating the extension of a street, Bolivia, between Argentina and Canada. For this operation, the internal garden of block 41 was destroyed and each block resulting from the division started to have a small internal garden, also eliminated in another later reform. The difference is that the area now has 33 lots, instead of 23, a considerable gain for the sales policy. 

'The next step in this process of increasing available land occurred with the installment plan and the sale of the remaining internal gardens. This resulted from a long battle to define the responsibilities for the conservation of these gardens. The owners of the lots adjacent to them exempt themselves from the costs and maintenance, since if the gardens were opened to the public through alleys, they argued that they should not be responsible for the care of the areas.

'It has to be reflected that, like the American suburbs without fences, semi-private or private gardens but somehow open to the public space constituted urbanistic patterns and of relationship with the city imported from different cultural and urban traditions. The landscaped spaces whose fleet and property limits were not well defined did not find resonance in the Brazilian way of life. Although the internal gardens were initially attractive, there was no one who assumed the preservation of a space that was not entirely collective, but that was also not private. The grounds of the internal gardens were only effectively taken over when fenced, walled, delimited, privatized, an attitude that, in general, still remains in Brazil in community areas belonging to private subdivisions.

'The idea of ​​subdividing the semi-public internal gardens was realized in stages. Many owners of plots that could face the street were sold at normal prices, but the solution that most reflected in the density of the neighborhood was relocation, through the creation of new streets.

'An entire block that had not been sold on the far right of the neighborhood was subdivided into four blocks of small lots, with the creation of the streets Cuba, Martinique and Espéria. And four streets in cul-de-sac, Guayaquil, Lucatā, Puerto Rico and Newfoundland led to the creation and sale of more than fifty new lots around 1935.  The fact is that the Jardim América subdivision, started in 1919 with 396 lots for sale, due to the expansion or internal subdivisions of its area, ended the commercialization with 672 plots.

'Taking into account that the increase in area in relation to the original external perimeter was not very significant, what is noticeable is that the enthusiasm that Barry Parker had with regard to the potential of sale of the neighborhood had not been unfounded. The architect did not anticipate, however, that with the possibility of more profit the company would partially de-characterize its original design.'


Jardim América is here.

Monday, May 25, 2020

San Jose, Florida

'General Plan Showing the Proposed Layout for a New Community on the St. John's River at Jacksonville', 1925 in the John Nolen papers at Cornell University, available in glorious fine-grain detail here.

 These are the the reserves I've uncovered with my eagle eye:
 This is where this site was planned to be but it was not created in this way.
This section of San Jose is so completely redesigned that I can't even tell where this would have been, had it been created.
 This area is here and has been completely redesigned from Nolen's original.
These are, I think, in this general vicinity but the open space doesn't seem to fit the space Nolen planned. The northern section has been replanned. 

Saturday, May 16, 2020

Cité-Jardin Kapelleveld

Just begun getting to grips with this Belgian plan by Louis Van Der Swaelmen. The small circles within the blocks are, apparently, sandpits for infants. Here's a google translated footnote from Anne Lambrichs' 2001 article on Belgian 'garden cities': 'Van der Swaelmen included in the garden city many sports fields - exercise area, three tennis courts and a football field; it has prioritized traffic lanes according to a very complex system going from public to private: alleys bordered by low hedges, plantations and common gardens; small interior paths bordered by trees winding inside the islets and forming a secondary network allowing access to the playgrounds and interior courtyards, to cross the whole city, to remove litter without cluttering the streets, to repair water, gas and electricity pipes and hide the back of houses.'
Translated, sort of, from Anne Lambrichs, ‘Les Cités-Jardins en Belgique', Ciudades, 6 (2000-2001) p. 65.

Friday, May 15, 2020

Union Park Gardens, Wilmington, Delaware, U.S.A.

I have a backlog of material to blog about, but it's not as though internal reserves haven't been heavily on my mind - as Robert Freestone and I are currently working on our book on this topic, to be published next year. This subdivision is one 'newly unearthed' example of our sphere of interest which I had cause to do some minor (and I admit, ugly) photoshop work to visualise what I was talking about in communication with Delaware's history society, so I thought I may as well dump it here as well - considering I've been very lax in the posts lately (and I have so much Launceston material to upload!).
Bruce Robertson's book on John Nolen tells us that Nolen was hired in 1918 by Wilmington's Chamber of Commerce to produce a plan for a 58-acre housing area in one of the USA's most densely populated cities (p. 143). 'Street trees and sidewalks added to the community's pleasant appearance, while the curvilinear streets economised road construction and allowed a measure of traffic control' (p. 144). 

Of the two internal reserves identified here, neither seems to have pulled through incredibly well. The southerly one (on Geddes Alley - Nolen and Patrick Geddes were in frequent correspondence at this time) appears from google maps to be a series of shelters, or one big shelter perhaps, for car parking. The northern one which was clearly at some point a grassed (or at least open) area has also suffered (or whatever you want to call it) a similar fate, but some greenery remains, including from what I can tell within the western accessway.  

I'd love to visit these one day... the neighbourhood itself looks delightful. Fingers crossed on a response from the historical society... 

Reserve bounded by Cedar St/Laver Grove, Mayfield, Tasmania

I have not been able to find out anything at all about the estate surrounding this IR but I am going to suggest it is a subdivision of land ...